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906 C
HAPTER 29
Terms & Names
Terms & Names
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
One American's Story
Taking on Segregation
WHY IT MATTERS NOW
WHY IT MATTERS NOW
•Thurgood
Marshall
•Brown v. Board
of Education of
Topeka
•Rosa Parks
•Martin Luther
King, Jr.
•Southern Christian
Leadership
Conference (SCLC)
•Student Nonviolent
Coordinating
Committee (SNCC)
•sit-in
Activism and a series of
Supreme Court decisions
advanced equal rights for
African Americans in the
1950s and 1960s.
Landmark Supreme Court
decisions beginning in 1954
have guaranteed civil rights
for Americans today.
JUSTICE IN
MONTGOMERY
Jo Ann Gibson
Robinson and
the Bus
Boycott
Jo Ann Gibson Robinson drew back in self-defense as the white bus driver raised his
hand as if to strike her. “Get up from there!” he shouted. Robinson, laden with
Christmas packages, had forgotten the rules and sat down in the front of the bus,
which was reserved for whites.
Humiliating incidents were not new to the African Americans who rode the
segregated buses of Montgomery, Alabama, in the mid-1950s. The bus company
required them to pay at the front and then exit and reboard at the rear.
“I felt like a dog,” Robinson later said. A professor at the all-black
Alabama State College, Robinson was also president of the
Women’s Political Council, a group of professional African-
American women determined to increase black political power.
A PERSONAL VOICE JO ANN GIBSON ROBINSON
“ We had members in every elementary, junior high,
and senior high school, and in federal, state, and local
jobs. Wherever there were more than ten blacks employed, we had
a member there. We were prepared to the point that we knew that
in a matter of hours, we could corral the whole city.
”
—quoted in Voices of Freedom: An Oral Histor y of the Civil Rights Movement
On December 1, 1955, police arrested an African-American
woman for refusing to give up her seat on a bus. Robinson promptly
sent out a call for all African Americans to boycott Montgomery buses.
The Segregation System
Segregated buses might never have rolled through the streets of Montgomery if
the Civil Rights Act of 1875 had remained in force. This act outlawed segregation
in public facilities by decreeing that “all persons . . . shall be entitled to the full
and equal enjoyment of the accommodations . . . of inns, public conveyances on
land or water, theaters, and other places of public amusement.” In 1883, howev-
er, the all-white Supreme Court declared the act unconstitutional.
Skillbuilder
Answer
Segregated: The
South;
Segregation
prohibited: The
Industrial
Northeast, the
northeastern
Midwest, and
the Pacific
Northwest.
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 906
Page 1 of 8
PLESSY V. FERGUSON
During the 1890s, a number of
other court decisions and state laws severely limited African-
American rights. In 1890, Louisiana passed a law requiring
railroads to provide “equal but separate accommodations for
the white and colored races.” In the Plessy v. Ferguson case of
1896, the Supreme Court ruled that this “separate but equal”
law did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment, which guar-
antees all Americans equal treatment under the law.
Armed with the Plessy decision, states throughout the
nation, but especially in the South, passed what were known
as Jim Crow laws, aimed at separating the races. These laws for-
bade marriage between blacks and whites and established
many other restrictions on social and religious contact
between the races. There were separate schools as well as sepa-
rate streetcars, waiting rooms, railroad coaches, elevators, wit-
ness stands, and public restrooms. The facilities provided for
blacks were always inferior to those for whites. Nearly every
day, African Americans faced humiliating signs that read:
“Colored Water”; “No Blacks Allowed”; “Whites Only!”
SEGREGATION CONTINUES INTO THE 20TH CENTURY
After the Civil War, some African Americans tried to escape
Southern racism by moving north. This migration of Southern
African Americans speeded up greatly during World War I, as
many African-American sharecroppers abandoned farms for
the promise of industrial jobs in Northern cities. However,
they discovered racial prejudice and segregation there, too.
Most could find housing only in all-black neighborhoods.
Many white workers also resented the competition for jobs.
This sometimes led to violence.
Civil Rights 907
A
These photos of the public schools for white
children (top) and for black children (above) in a
Southern town in the 1930s show that separate
facilities were often unequal in the segregation era.
GEOGRAPHY SKILLBUILDER
Region In which regions were schools segregated by
law? In which were segregation expressly prohibited?
Segregation required
Segregation permitted
Segregation prohibited
No specific legislation, or local option
Calif.
Oreg.
Wash.
Nev.
Ariz.
Utah
Idaho
N.Mex.
Colo.
Wyo.
Mont.
N.Dak.
S.Dak.
Nebr.
Kans.
Okla.
Minn.
Iowa
Mo.
Ark.
Texas
La.
Miss.
Fla.
Ga.
Ala.
S.C.
N.C.
Ky.
Tenn.
Va.
Ill.
Ind.
Mich.
Ohio
Wis.
W.
Va.
Pa.
Maine
Vt.
N.H.
Mass.
R.I.
Conn.
N.J.
Del.
Md.
D.C.
N.Y.
U.S. School Segregation, 1952
Background
See Plessy v.
Ferguson
on page 496.
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
A
Analyzing
Effects
What were
the effects of the
Supreme Court
decision Plessy v.
Ferguson?
W
O
R
L
D
S
T
A
G
E
W
O
R
L
D
S
T
A
G
E
APARTHEID—SEGREGATION
IN SOUTH AFRICA
In 1948, the white government
of South Africa passed laws to
ensure that whites would stay in
control of the country. Those
laws established a system called
apartheid, which means “apart-
ness.” The system divided South
Africans into four segregated
racial groups—whites, blacks,
coloreds of mixed race, and
Asians. It restricted what jobs
nonwhites could hold, where they
could live, and what rights they
could exercise. Because of
apartheid, the black African major-
ity were denied the right to vote.
In response to worldwide criti-
cism, the South African govern-
ment gradually repealed the
apartheid laws, starting in the late
1970s. In 1994, South Africa held
its first all-race election and elect-
ed as president Nelson Mandela,
a black anti-apartheid leader whom
the white government had impris-
oned for nearly 30 years.
A. Answer
Since the Court
ruled that segre-
gation was not
unconstitutional,
many states,
especially in the
South, passed
segregationist
Jim Crow laws.
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 907
Page 2 of 8
A DEVELOPING CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT
In many ways, the events of
World War II set the stage for the civil rights movement. First, the demand for sol-
diers in the early 1940s created a shortage of white male laborers. That labor
shortage opened up new job opportunities for African Americans, Latinos, and
white women.
Second, nearly one million African Americans served in the armed forces,
which needed so many fighting men that they had to end their discriminatory poli-
cies. Such policies had previously kept African Americans from serving in fighting
units. Many African-American soldiers returned from the war determined to fight
for their own freedom now that they had helped defeat fascist regimes overseas.
Third, during the war, civil rights organizations actively campaigned for
African-American voting rights and challenged Jim Crow laws. In response to
protests, President Roosevelt issued a presidential directive prohibiting racial dis-
crimination by federal agencies and all companies that were engaged in war work.
The groundwork was laid for more organized campaigns to end segregation
throughout the United States.
Challenging Segregation in Court
The desegregation campaign was led largely by the NAACP,
which had fought since 1909 to end segregation. One influ-
ential figure in this campaign was Charles Hamilton Houston,
a brilliant Howard University law professor who also served as
chief legal counsel for the NAACP from 1934 to 1938.
THE NAACP LEGAL STRATEGY
In deciding the NAACP’s
legal strategy, Houston focused on the inequality between the
separate schools that many states provided. At that time, the
nation spent ten times as much money educating a white child
as an African-American child. Thus, Houston focused the orga-
nization’s limited resources on challenging the most glaring
inequalities of segregated public education.
In 1938, he placed a team of his best law students under
the direction of Thurgood Marshall. Over the next 23
years, Marshall and his NAACP lawyers would win 29 out of
32 cases argued before the Supreme Court.
Several of the cases became legal milestones, each chip-
ping away at the segregation platform of Plessy v. Ferguson. In
the 1946 case Morgan v. Virginia, the Supreme Court declared
unconstitutional those state laws mandating segregated seat-
ing on interstate buses. In 1950, the high court ruled in
Sweatt v. Painter that state law schools must admit black
applicants, even if separate black schools exist.
BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION
Marshall’s most stun-
ning victory came on May 17, 1954, in the case known as
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. (See page 914).
In this case, the father of eight-year-old Linda Brown had
charged the board of education of Topeka, Kansas, with
violating Linda’s rights by denying her admission to an all-
white elementary school four blocks from her house. The
nearest all-black elementary school was 21 blocks away.
In a landmark verdict, the Supreme Court unanimously
struck down segregation in schooling as an unconstitutional
violation of the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection
908 C
HAPTER 29
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
B
Developing
Historical
Perspective
How did
events during
World War II lay
the groundwork for
African Americans
to fight for civil
rights in the
1950s?
B
K
E
Y
P
L
A
Y
E
R
K
E
Y
P
L
A
Y
E
R
THURGOOD MARSHALL
1908–1993
Thurgood Marshall dedicated his
life to fighting racism. His father
had labored as a steward at an
all-white country club, his mother
as a teacher at an all-black
school. Marshall himself was
denied admission to the University
of Maryland Law School because
of his race.
In 1961, President John F.
Kennedy nominated Marshall to
the U.S. Court of Appeals. Lyndon
Johnson picked Marshall for U.S.
solicitor general in 1965 and two
years later named him as the first
African-American Supreme Court
justice. In that role, he remained
a strong advocate of civil rights
until he retired in 1991.
After Marshall died in 1993, a
copy of the Brown v. Board of
Education decision was placed
beside his casket. On it, an
admirer wrote: “You shall always
be remembered.”
B. Answers
Blacks had
experienced
better job
opportunities;
many veterans
who had fought
racist Germans
wanted to resist
racist
Americans; civil
rights groups
had staged
some success-
ful protests.
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 908
Page 3 of 8
Clause. Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote that, “[I]n the field of public education,
the doctrine of separate but equal has no place.” The Brown decision was relevant
for some 12 million schoolchildren in 21 states.
Reaction to the Brown Decision
Official reaction to the ruling was mixed. In Kansas and Oklahoma, state officials
said they expected segregation to end with little trouble. In Texas the governor
promised to comply but warned that plans might “take years” to work out. In
Mississippi and Georgia, officials vowed total resistance. Governor Herman
Talmadge of Georgia said “The people of Georgia will not comply with the deci-
sion of the court. . . . We’re going to do whatever is necessary in Georgia to keep
white children in white schools and colored children in colored schools.”
RESISTANCE TO SCHOOL DESEGREGATION
Within a year, more than 500
school districts had desegregated their classrooms. In Baltimore, St. Louis, and
Washington, D.C., black and white students sat side by side for the first time in his-
tory. However, in many areas where African Americans were a majority, whites
resisted desegregation. In some places, the Ku Klux Klan reappeared and White
Citizens Councils boycotted businesses that supported desegregation.
To speed things up, in 1955 the Supreme Court handed down a second rul-
ing, known as Brown II, that ordered school desegregation implemented “with all
deliberate speed.” Initially President Eisenhower refused to enforce compliance.
“The fellow who tries to tell me that you can do these things by force is just plain
nuts,” he said. Events in Little Rock, Arkansas, would soon force Eisenhower to go
against his personal beliefs.
CRISIS IN LITTLE ROCK
In 1948, Arkansas had become the first Southern state
to admit African Americans to state universities without being required by a court
order. By the 1950s, some scout troops and labor unions in Arkansas had quietly
ended their Jim Crow practices. Little Rock citizens had elected two men to the
school board who publicly backed desegregation—and the school superintendent,
Virgil Blossom, began planning for desegregation soon after Brown.
However, Governor Orval
Faubus publicly showed support for
segregation. In September 1957, he
ordered the National Guard to turn
away the “Little Rock Nine”—nine
African-American students who had
volunteered to integrate Little
Rock’s Central High School as the
first step in Blossom’s plan. A feder-
al judge ordered Faubus to let the
students into school.
NAACP members called eight
of the students and arranged to
drive them to school. They could
not reach the ninth student,
Elizabeth Eckford, who did not
have a phone, and she set out
alone. Outside Central High,
Eckford faced an abusive crowd.
Terrified, the 15-year-old made it
to a bus stop where two friendly
whites stayed with her.
C
D
▼
As white students
jeer her and
Arkansas National
Guards look on,
Elizabeth Eckford
enters Little Rock
Central High
School in 1957.
C. Answer
Brown said that
segregation has
no place in pub-
lic education, so
all public
schools must
desegregate.
D. answer
Some Southern
whites and state
officials resisted
segregation,
and neither the
president nor
Congress forced
them to act
quickly.
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
C
Making
Inferences
How did the
Brown decision
affect schools
outside of
Topeka?
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
D
Analyzing
Causes
Why weren’t
schools in all
regions
desegregated
immediately after
the Brown II
decision?
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 909
Page 4 of 8
E
The crisis in Little Rock forced Eisenhower to act. He placed the Arkansas
National Guard under federal control and ordered a thousand paratroopers into
Little Rock. The nation watched the televised coverage of the event. Under the
watch of soldiers, the nine African-American teenagers attended class.
But even these soldiers could not protect the students from troublemakers who
confronted them in stairways, in the halls, and in the cafeteria. Throughout the year
African-American students were regularly harassed by other students. At the end of
the year, Faubus shut down Central High rather than let integration continue.
On September 9, 1957, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first
civil rights law since Reconstruction. Shepherded by Senator Lyndon B. Johnson
of Texas, the law gave the attorney general greater power over school desegrega-
tion. It also gave the federal government jurisdiction—or authority—over viola-
tions of African-American voting rights.
The Montgomery Bus Boycott
The face-to-face confrontation at Central High School was
not the only showdown over segregation in the mid-1950s.
Impatient with the slow pace of change in the courts,
African-American activists had begun taking direct action to
win the rights promised to them by the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Among those
on the frontline of change was Jo Ann Robinson.
BOYCOTTING SEGREGATION
Four days after the Brown
decision in May 1954, Robinson wrote a letter to the mayor of
Montgomery, Alabama, asking that bus drivers no longer be
allowed to force riders in the “colored” section to yield their
seats to whites. The mayor refused. Little did he know that in
less than a year another African-American woman from
Alabama would be at the center of this controversy, and that
her name and her words would far outlast segregation.
On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, a seamstress and an
NAACP officer, took a seat in the front row of the “colored”
section of a Montgomery bus. As the bus filled up, the dri-
ver ordered Parks and three other African-American passen-
gers to empty the row they were occupying so that a white
man could sit down without having to sit next to any
African Americans. “It was time for someone to stand up—
or in my case, sit down,” recalled Parks. “I refused to move.”
As Parks stared out the window, the bus driver said, “If you
don’t stand up, I’m going to call the police and have you
arrested.” The soft-spoken Parks replied, “You may do that.”
News of Parks’s arrest spread rapidly. Jo Ann Robinson
and NAACP leader E. D. Nixon suggested a bus boycott.
The leaders of the African-American community, includ-
ing many ministers, formed the Montgomery
Improvement Association to organize the boycott. They
elected the pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church,
26-year-old Martin Luther King, Jr., to lead the group.
An ordained minister since 1948, King had just earned a
Ph.D. degree in theology from Boston University. “Well,
I’m not sure I’m the best person for the position,” King
confided to Nixon, “but if no one else is going to serve,
I’d be glad to try.”
K
E
Y
P
L
A
Y
E
R
K
E
Y
P
L
A
Y
E
R
ROSA PARKS
1913–
Long before December 1955,
Rosa Parks (shown being finger
printed) had protested segrega-
tion through everyday acts. She
refused to use drinking fountains
labeled “Colored Only.” When pos-
sible, she shunned segregated
elevators and climbed stairs
instead.
Parks joined the Montgomery
chapter of the NAACP in 1943
and became the organization’s
secretary. A turning point came
for her in the summer of 1955,
when she attended a workshop
designed to promote integration
by giving the students the experi-
ence of interracial living.
Returning to Montgomer y, Parks
was even more determined to
fight segregation. As it happened,
her act of protest against injus-
tice on the buses inspired a
whole community to join her
cause.
E. Possible
Answer
Television
allowed people
to see the white
separatists’
cruel treatment
of the African-
American stu-
dents.
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
E
Making
Inferences
What effect
do you think
television
coverage of the
Little Rock
incident had on
the nation?
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 910
Page 5 of 8
G
WALKING FOR JUSTICE
On the night of December 5, 1955, Dr. King made the
following declaration to an estimated crowd of between 5,000 and 15,000 people.
A PERSONAL VOICE MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
“ There comes a time when people get tired of being trampled over by the iron
feet of oppression. . . . I want it to be known—that we’re going to work with grim
and bold determination—to gain justice on buses in this city. And we are not
wrong. . . . If we are wrong—the Supreme Court of this nation is wrong. If we are
wrong—God Almighty is wrong. . . . If we are wrong—justice is a lie.
”
—quoted in Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954–63
King’s passionate and eloquent speech brought people to their feet and filled the
audience with a sense of mission. African Americans filed a lawsuit and for 381 days
refused to ride the buses in Montgomery. In most cases they had to find other means
of transportation by organizing car pools or walking long distances. Support came
from within the black community-—workers donated one-fifth of their weekly
salaries—as well as from outside groups like the NAACP, the United Auto Workers,
Montgomery’s Jewish community, and sympathetic white southerners. The boy-
cotters remained nonviolent even after a bomb ripped apart King’s home (no one
was injured). Finally, in 1956, the Supreme Court outlawed bus segregation.
Martin Luther King and the SCLC
The Montgomery bus boycott proved to the world that the African-American
community could unite and organize a successful protest movement. It also
proved the power of nonviolent resistance, the peaceful refusal to obey unjust
laws. Despite threats to his life and family, King urged his followers, “Don’t ever
let anyone pull you so low as to hate them.”
CHANGING THE WORLD WITH SOUL FORCE
King called his brand of non-
violent resistance “soul force.” He based his ideas on the teachings of several peo-
ple. From Jesus, he learned to love one’s enemies. From writer Henry David Thoreau
he took the concept of civil disobedience—the refusal to obey an unjust law. From
labor organizer A. Philip Randolph he learned to organize massive demonstrations.
From Mohandas Gandhi, the leader who helped India throw off British rule, he
learned to resist oppression without violence.
“We will not hate you,” King said to white racists, “but we cannot . . . obey
your unjust laws. . . . We will soon wear you down by our capacity to suffer. And
in winning our freedom, we will so appeal to your heart and conscience that we
will win you in the process.”
Civil Rights 911
During the bus
boycott,
Montgomery’s
black citizens
relied on an
efficient car pool
system that
ferried people
between more
than forty pickup
stations like the
one shown.
▼
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
G
Summarizing
What were the
central points of
Dr. King’s
philosophy?
G. answer
“Soul force,” or
nonviolent resis-
tance, which
included acts of
civil disobedi-
ence, demon-
strations, and
adherence to
nonviolence.
F
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
F
Synthesizing
Why was
Rosa Parks’s
action on
December 1,
1955, significant?
F. Possible
Answers
Parks’s refusal
to yield her seat
to a white man
led to a citywide
bus boycott; it
also brought
Martin Luther
King, Jr., to
prominence.
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 911
Page 6 of 8
912 C
HAPTER 29
H
King held steadfast to his philosophy, even when a wave of racial violence
swept through the South after the Brown decision. The violence included the 1955
murder of Emmett Till—a 14-year-old African-American boy who had allegedly
flirted with a white woman. There were also shootings and beatings, some fatal,
of civil rights workers.
FROM THE GRASSROOTS UP
After the bus boycott ended, King joined with
ministers and civil rights leaders in 1957 to found the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference (SCLC). Its purpose was “to carry on nonviolent cru-
sades against the evils of second-class citizenship.” Using African-American
churches as a base, the SCLC planned to stage protests and demonstrations
throughout the South. The leaders hoped to build a movement from the grass-
roots up and to win the support of ordinary African Americans of all ages. King,
president of the SCLC, used the power of his voice and ideas to fuel the move-
ment’s momentum.
The nuts and bolts of organizing the SCLC was handled by its first director,
Ella Baker, the granddaughter of slaves. While with the NAACP, Baker had served
as national field secretary, traveling over 16,000 miles throughout the South. From
1957 to 1960, Baker used her contacts to set up branches of
the SCLC in Southern cities. In April 1960, Baker helped stu-
dents at Shaw University, an African-American university in
Raleigh, North Carolina, to organize a national protest
group, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee, or SNCC, pronounced “snick” for short.
It had been six years since the Brown decision, and many
college students viewed the pace of change as too slow.
Although these students risked a great deal—losing college
scholarships, being expelled from college, being physically
harmed—they were determined to challenge the system.
SNCC hoped to harness the energy of these student protest-
ers; it would soon create one of the most important student
activist movements in the nation’s history.
The Movement Spreads
Although SNCC adopted King’s ideas in part, its members
had ideas of their own. Many people called for a more con-
frontational strategy and set out to reshape the civil rights
movement.
DEMONSTRATING FOR FREEDOM
The founders of
SNCC had models to build on. In 1942 in Chicago, the
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) had staged the first
sit-ins, in which African-American protesters sat down at
segregated lunch counters and refused to leave until they
were served. In February 1960, African-American students
from North Carolina’s Agricultural and Technical College
staged a sit-in at a whites-only lunch counter at a
Woolworth’s store in Greensboro. This time, television
crews brought coverage of the protest into homes through-
out the United States. There was no denying the ugly face
of racism. Day after day, news reporters captured the scenes
of whites beating, jeering at, and pouring food over stu-
dents who refused to strike back. The coverage sparked
many other sit-ins across the South. Store managers called
MAIN IDEA
MAIN IDEA
H
Evaluating
What was the
role of the SCLC?
K
E
Y
P
L
A
Y
E
R
K
E
Y
P
L
A
Y
E
R
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
1929–1968
Born Michael Luther King, Jr.,
King had to adjust to a new name
in 1934. In that year, his father—
Rev. Michael King, Sr.—returned
home from a trip to Europe,
where he had toured the site
where Martin Luther had begun
the Protestant Reformation. Upon
his return home, the elder King
changed his and his son’s names
to Martin.
Like Luther, the younger King
became a reformer. In 1964, he
won the Nobel peace prize. Yet
there was a side of King unknown
to most people—his inner battle
to overcome his hatred of the
white bigots. As a youth, he had
once vowed “to hate all white
people.” As leader of the civil
rights movement, King said all
Americans had to be freed:
“Negroes from the bonds of seg-
regation and shame, whites from
the bonds of bigotry and fear.”
H. Answer
It organized
protests and
demonstrations
to promote civil
rights.
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 912
Page 7 of 8
in the police, raised the price of food, and removed counter seats. But the move-
ment continued and spread to the North. There, students formed picket lines
around national chain stores that maintained segregated lunch counters in
the South.
By late 1960, students had descended on and desegregated lunch counters in
some 48 cities in 11 states. They endured arrests, beatings, suspension from col-
lege, and tear gas and fire hoses, but the army of nonviolent students refused to
back down. “My mother has always told me that I’m equal to other people,” said
Ezell Blair, Jr., one of the students who led the first SNCC sit-in in 1960. For the
rest of the 1960s, many Americans worked to convince the rest of the country that
blacks and whites deserved equal treatment.
Civil Rights 913
MAIN IDEA
2. TAKING NOTES
Fill in a spider diagram like the one
below with examples of tactics,
organizations, leaders, and Supreme
Court decisions of the civil rights
movement up to 1960.
CRITICAL THINKING
3. EVALUATING
Do you think the nonviolence used
by civil rights activists was a good
tactic? Explain. Think About:
• the Montgomery bus boycott
• television coverage of events
• sit-ins
4. CONTRASTING
How did the tactics of the student
protesters from SNCC differ from
those of the boycotters in
Montgomery?
5. DRAWING CONCLUSIONS
After the Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka ruling, what do
you think was the most significant
event of the civil rights movement
prior to 1960? Why? Think About:
• the role of civil rights leaders
• the results of confrontations
and boycotts
• the role of grassroots organiza-
tions
Sit-in demon-
strators, such
as these at a
Jackson,
Mississippi, lunch
counter in 1963,
faced intimidation
and humiliation
from white
segregationists.
▼
Supreme
Court Decisions
Tactics
Organizations
Leaders
Challenging Segregation
•Thurgood Marshall
•Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka
•Rosa Parks
•Martin Luther King, Jr.
•Southern Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC)
•Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC)
•sit-in
1. TERMS & NAMES For each term or name, write a sentence explaining its significance.
p0906-913aspe-0829s1 10/17/02 9:20 AM Page 913
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Taking on Segregation (Caggia Social Studies)

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Completed 26 February 2021

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