The War for Independence 109
The Declaration of Indepe
ndence
The Declaration of Indepe
ndence
Thomas Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence is one of the most
important and influential legal documents of modern times. Although the
text frequently refers to eighteenth-century events, its Enlightenment
philosophy and politics have continuing relevance today. For more than
200 years the Declaration of Independence has inspired leaders of other
independence movements and has remained a crucial document in the
struggle for civil rights and human rights.
In Congress, July 4, 1776.
A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in
General Congress assembled.
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one peo-
ple to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another,
and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station
to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent
respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the
causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that
among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness; that, to secure
these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just pow-
ers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any Form of
Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its founda-
tion on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed,
will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for
light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that
mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when
a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it
is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for
their future security.
Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now
the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of
Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of
repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish-
ment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be sub-
mitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for
the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be
obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts
of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in
the Legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.
Jefferson begins the Declaration
by attempting to legally and
philosophically justify the revolution
that was already underway. Here
Jefferson is saying that, now that
the colonists have begun to
separate themselves from British
rule, it is time to explain why the
colonists have taken this course
of action.
These passages reveal the
influence of the English
philosopher John Locke. In
Two Treatises of Government
(1690), Locke argued that if a
government does not allow its
citizens to enjoy certain rights
and freedoms, the people have a
right to replace that government.
Here begins the section in which
Jefferson condemns the behavior of
King George, listing the king’s many
tyrannical actions that have forced
his American subjects to rebel.
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He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable,
and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose
of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with
manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to
be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have
returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the
mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasions from without, and convul-
sions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that
purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass
others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new
Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to
Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their
offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of
Officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies, without the
Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and
superior to the
Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our
constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts
of pretended Legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders
which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States;
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world;
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent;
For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury;
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offenses;
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province,
establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so
as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same
absolute rule into these Colonies;
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and
altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments;
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invest-
ed with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection
and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and
destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to
compleat the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with cir-
cumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous
ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
110 C
HAPTER 4
This is a reference to the 10,000
troops that the British government
stationed in North America after the
French and Indian War. Although the
British government saw the troops
as protection for the colonists, the
colonists themselves viewed the
troops as a standing army that
threatened their freedom.
Here Jefferson condemns both the
king and Parliament for passing the
Intolerable Acts. Most of these laws
were intended to punish the people
of Massachusetts for the Boston
Tea Par ty. For example, the
Quartering Act of 1765 forced
colonists to provide lodging for
British troops. Another act allowed
British soldiers accused of murder
to be sent back to England for trial.
The Boston Port Bill closed the port
of Boston, “cutting off our Trade
with all parts of the world.”
Here Jefferson refers to the Quebec
Act, which extended the boundaries
of the province. He then refers to
another act that changed the
charter of Massachusetts and
restricted town meetings.
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HISTORICAL
HISTORICAL
INDEPENDENCE AND
SLAVERY
The Declaration of Independence
went through many revisions
before the final draft. Jefferson,
a slaveholder himself, regretted
having to eliminate one passage
in particular—a condemnation of
slavery and the slave trade.
However, in the face of opposi-
tion of delegates from Southern
states, the anti-slavery passage
was deleted.
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He has constrained our fellow Citizens, taken Captive on the high Seas,
to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their
friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured
to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian Savages,
whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages,
sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the
most humble terms; Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by
repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which
may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have
warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an
unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum-
stances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their
native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our
common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably
interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to
the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the
necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the
rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in
General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the Authority of
the good People of these Colonies solemnly publish and declare, That these
United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, Free and Independent States;
that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all
political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and
ought to be, totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they
have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish
Commerce, and do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may
of right do.
The War for Independence 111
Here Jefferson turns his attention
away from the king and toward the
British people. Calling the British
the “common kindred” of the
colonists, Jefferson reminds them
how often the Americans have
appealed to their sense of justice.
Reluctantly the colonists are now
forced to break their political
connections with their British kin.
In this final paragraph, the
delegates declare independence.
“ALL MEN WOULD BE
TYRANTS IF THEY COULD.”
Although the Declaration dealt with
issues of equality, justice, and
independence, it did not address
conditions of inequality within the
colonies themselves. Husbands
dominated their wives, for exam-
ple, and slaves lived under com-
plete control of their owners.
Speaking on behalf of women,
Abigail Adams (above) had this to
say to her husband John, who
served in the Continental
Congress:
“Remember the Ladies, and be
more generous and favourable
to them than your ancestors.
Do not put such unlimited
power into the hands of the
Husbands. Remember all Men
would be tyrants if they could. If
particular care . . . is not paid
to the Ladies, we are deter-
mined to foment a Rebellion.”
ANOTHER
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112 C
HAPTER 4
And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the pro-
tection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our
Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.
[Signed by]
John Hancock [President of the Continental Congress]
[Georgia]
Button Gwinnett
Lyman Hall
George Walton
[Rhode Island]
Stephen Hopkins
William Ellery
[Connecticut]
Roger Sherman
Samuel Huntington
William Williams
Oliver Wolcott
[North Carolina]
William Hooper
Joseph Hewes
John Penn
[South Carolina]
Edward Rutledge
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton
[Maryland]
Samuel Chase
William Paca
Thomas Stone
Charles Carroll
[Virginia]
George Wythe
Richard Henry Lee
Thomas Jefferson
Benjamin Harrison
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee
Carter Braxton
[Pennsylvania]
Robert Morris
Benjamin Rush
Benjamin Franklin
John Morton
George Clymer
James Smith
George Taylor
James Wilson
George Ross
[Delaware]
Caesar Rodney
George Read
Thomas McKean
[New York]
William Floyd
Philip Livingston
Francis Lewis
Lewis Morris
[New Jersey]
Richard Stockton
John Witherspoon
Francis Hopkinson
John Hart
Abraham Clark
[New Hampshire]
Josiah Bartlett
William Whipple
Matthew Thornton
[Massachusetts]
Samuel Adams
John Adams
Robert Treat Paine
Elbridge Gerry
The Declaration ends with the
delegates’ pledge, or pact. The
delegates at the Second Continental
Congress knew that, in declaring
their independence from Great
Britain, they were committing
treason—a crime punishable by
death. "We must all hang together,"
Benjamin Franklin reportedly said,
as the delegates prepared to sign
the Declaration, "or most assuredly
we shall all hang separately."
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JOHN HANCOCK
1737–1793
Born in Braintree, Massachusetts,
and raised by a wealthy uncle,
John Hancock became one of the
richest men in the colonies. He
traveled around Boston in a luxu-
rious carriage and dressed only
in the finest clothing. “He looked
every inch an aristocrat,” noted
one acquaintance, “from his
dress and powdered wig to his
smart pumps of grained leather.”
Beneath Hancock’s refined
appearance, however, burned the
heart of a patriot. He was only
too glad to lead the Second
Continental Congress. When
the time came to sign the
Declaration of Independence,
Hancock scrawled his name in
big, bold letters. “There,” he
reportedly said, “I guess King
George will be able to read that.”
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