Fill - Free fillable Media Images And Screen Representations Of Nurses: Conference Review PDF form

UCLA

CSW Update Newsletter

Title

Media Images and Screen Representations of Nurses: Conference Review

Permalink

https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4c831776

Author

Sher, Ben

Publication Date

2011-06-01

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library

University of California

 

MEDIA IMAGES AND SCREEN

REPRESENTATIONS OF NURSES



▶

◀

contents

 

HE THING about stories is, they’re sort of

the intellectual diet of society. We learn

about the world through the stories we

tell,” said Joseph Turow, Robert Lewis Shayon

Professor of Communication at University of

Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School. “We re-en-

force our ideas about society through the stories

we tell. People learn about occupations through

stories, about what’s good and bad, about

romance. Over time systematic presentations

of certain people, certain ideas, certain worlds,

bring people behind the scenes. And whether

they know it or not, [audiences] learn about how

certain occupations act, how they’re supposed

to do things…When it comes to health care, and

specically the representations of doctors and

nurses, it is inuential on how we perceive the

elds.”

Thus began Turow’s presentation, “Playing

Nurse, Playing Doctor,” in which he insisted that

media representations must be studied in order

to assess their impact on audiences’ perceptions

of the world in which they live. This idea was

at the core and foundation of the conference

“Media Images and Screen Representations of

Nurses.” Taking place on May 12, the event was

organized by MarySue Heillemann, Associate

Professor in The UCLA School of Nursing, with

assistance from Ph.D. student Heather Collette-

VanDeraa and Professor John Caldwell in the

Department of Cinema and Media Studies. It

was cosponsored by The Center for the Study of

Women and The UCLA Chapter for the American

Assembly of Men in Nursing.

Impressive in scope, the conference incor-

porated presentations by nurses, journalists,

academic scholars, activists, and major play-

ers in the entertainment industry. Their topics

ranged from representations of nurses smok-

ing in advertising throughout the 20

century

to methods by which nurses can inuence and

improve upon their often oensive depictions

on contemporary television. The rst half of the

day-long conference, which will be covered in

this article, began with presentations by Turow

and Sandy Summers, who presented a multi-

faceted portrait of the ways in which nurses have

been represented in media since the 1950s, and

the historical, cultural, and industrial events that

have informed these depictions.

Turow discussed the development of medi-

cal shows on television, which were inspired Dr.

Kildare, MGM’s B-movie series of the 1930s. Stu-

dio head Louis B. Mayer dictated that lmmakers

idealize Dr. Kildare and his mentor, Dr. Gillespie,

making them perfect in terms of societal norms.

“This developed a formula dictating what made

successful programs about physicians: [They

had to be] hospital based, doctor centered, and

usually involving a younger and an older doctor,”

said Turow. Unfortunately, this idealization and

emphasis of physicians relegated nurse char-

acters to the sidelines. For example, in the lm

series, Dr. Kildare’s girlfriend was a nurse. Howev-

er, little attention was paid to the character until

she was run over by a car in its nal entry. Turow

argued that these plot structures gave birth to

the media’s inaccurate

notions that nurses are

peripheral, unimportant,

and exist only as lovers

to physicians, which have

endured throughout the

decades.

One of the rst

shows to make an ef-

fort to break this pattern

was The Nurses, which

Impressive in scope, the conference incorporated presentations by

nurses, journalists, academic scholars, activists, and major players

in the entertainment industry.

▶

◀

contents

 

ran from 1962 to 1965 on CBS. It starred Shirl

Conway as the older, wiser nurse (a Dr. Kildare

equivalent), and ballet dancer Zena Bethune as

her young protégé. The American Medical As-

sociation strongly inuenced medical shows that

preceded The Nurses (forbidding studios to shoot

in their hospitals without their script approval of

each episode). Herbert Brodkin, the head pro-

ducer of The Nurses, resisted the inuence of The

American Nurses Association and instead hired

an acquaintance, a professional nurse, to be an

advisor on the show. The series’ representation

of nurses, like many socially concerned television

series, contained both progressive and reaction-

ary elements. Turow described an exemplary

episode in which a juvenile delinquent comes to

the hospital suering from low self-esteem that

has manifested itself as terrible headaches. In a

move that was highly unusual in popular culture

at the time, the hospital sta brings in an African

American social worker to help them to nd a

cure for the boy’s ailments.

Turow showed a clip from the episode, in

which a physician, the head nurse, and the social

worker argue about the best treatment for their

patient. The physician emphasizes the patient’s

physical problems, the social worker insists upon

the sociological reasons for his illness, and the

head nurse argues that the boy needs maternal

nurturing and loving kindness, and that she

should bring him milk and cookies. In the end,

the social worker is proved to be correct, and the

nurse acknowledges it. While the nurse’s agency

in this episode is relegated to the feminine

sphere and eventually overturned by her patriar-

chal co-workers, the majority of the teleplay rep-

resented the characters as equals, reecting the

beginning stages of the Civil Rights movement

and second wave feminism. Similarly striking is

the episode’s representation of women and Afri-

can Americans ghting together for each other’s

causes: in the episode, a nurse aggressively takes

the juvenile delinquent to task for referring to his

social worker using a common pejorative term

used to describe African Americans.

While The Nurses showed promise on an artis-

tic and sociological level, CBS’ programmers said

that the show was problematic because it was

too dicult to nd ways in which to make nurses

central. In the middle of the series’ run the head

of CBS programming forced the show to become

a soap opera, and changed its title to The Doctors

and the Nurses. “Shirl Conway said at least they

should have called it The Nurses and the Doctors,”

noted Turow.

Julia (1968-1971), starring Diahann Carroll,

emerged at the height of second wave feminism

and in the wake of the Civil Rights movement.

“In those days, the designation of ‘nurses’ indi-

cated professional non-second banana status,”

said Turow. “Therefore, it was a good place to

have an African American actress.” The show, a

substantial hit, was considered by many to be

progressive for its depiction of a professional

African American single mother successfully (if

sometimes rockily) balancing a career, parenting,

friendships, and dating. However, even though

Julia worked as a nurse in the health oce of

Diahann Carroll starred in Julia

from 1968 to 1971, as nurse and a

single mother balancing a career,

parenting, friendships, and dating.

▶

◀

contents

 

an aerospace rm, Turow pointed out that the

show’s focus was not on the details of her career

as a nurse, but on her balancing of the personal

and the professional. Once again, Julia was, in

fact, made “second banana” to her boss at work:

a gru, paternalistic Lou Grant-type who asked

questions like “Have you always been a negro

or were you just trying to be fashionable?,” and

made casual, laugh-track inducing statements

like “I’m tired of seeing ugly nurses.” Although

there is much documentation to suggest that

Julia had a profound inuence on many viewers,

the show was met with contradictory responses

from its black audiences, with some arguing that

the show propagated the “Uncle Tom” stereo-

type. According to Turow, these accusations

nally led Carroll to leave the show in 1971.

Turow broadly outlined structural changes

that took place on medical shows from 1970

until 2000: the gender and race of physicians be-

came increasingly diverse, there was a shift from

the idealization of hospitals to a focus on non-

ideal hospital conditions, and, nally, doctors

and doctors’ personal issues moved to the fore-

front again. These changes were exemplied by

series like St. Elsewhere (1982-1988, NBC), Private

Practice (2007-present, ABC), and Grey’s Anatomy

(2005-present, ABC). As importantly, the shift

from network domination to cable programming

inspired television producers’ growing interest

in “niche audiences”: perhaps most prominently,

women. Nurse Jackie (2009-present, Showtime)

and Hawthorne (2009-present, TNT) have made

eorts to portray nurses who are fully realized

Hawthorne

characters. They have also strived to accurately

depict the requirements of the job (Summers

elaborated on the depictions of nursing in these

series, as will be discussed below). While Turow

argued that these shows are a step in the right

direction, he concluded by stating that the most

mainstream depictions of physicians and nurs-

es—those on the major networks—continue to

focus on physicians, and relegate nurses to the

margins. “Since ER there seems to have been a

drop in the number of nurses apart from these

shows,” said Turow. “On Grey’s and Private Prac-

tice, the nurses are faceless people. They simply

aren’t there.” Turow pointed out that television

has yet to adopt the concept of the medical

team (on which physicians and nurses work

together, each serving dierent, fundamental

roles), even though it is a hallmark of contempo-

rary hospitals. Furthermore, Hollywood’s histori-

cally problematic appropriation of second wave

feminism’s inuence on the workplace may have

ironically contributed to nurses’ increasing invis-

▶

◀

contents

 

ibility. “When you have women who are physi-

cians you don’t need to have women who are

nurses to add some romantic ardor,” said Turow.

During a question and answer period that

followed Turow’s presentation, several in atten-

dance asked what they could do to improve the

lm and television industries’ depictions of nurs-

es. Turow argued that in order to inuence the

media, proponents of change must make sug-

gestions that would both revise representations

and appeal to the media industries’ “rewards

system” (in other words, activists must suggest

dierent kinds of representations that will sell).

When one audience member suggested that

television depictions of nurses would be highly

dierent if they were created from the perspec-

tive of patients, Turow responded: “If you tell

someone to do something on the patient’s per-

spective of a nurse, they’re going to yawn. When

I nished my book I asked writers ‘Why don’t you

do something about the politics of medicine?,’

and they said the audience isn’t interested. The

trick is to gure out how you can propose [such

a series in a way that also strongly suggests] that

the lm will succeed. You’re dealing with people

who sometimes spend a couple of million on an

episode.”

Sandy Summers, R.N., M.S.N., M.P.H., the next

keynote speaker, demonstrated that nurses can

and do strongly inuence their depictions in

television, lm, and advertising from the ground

up. Summers is the Founding and Executive

Director of The Truth About Nursing, a non-

prot organization that seeks to increase public

understanding of the central, front-line role that

nurses play in modern health care. In particular,

the organization’s focus is to promote more ac-

curate, balanced, and frequent media portrayals

of nurses and increase the media’s use of nurses

as expert sources. Summers’ recent book, Saving

Lives: Why the Media’s Portrayal of Nurses Puts Us

All At Risk (co-written with Harry Jacobs Sum-

mers) argues that most media representations of

nurses are not merely oensive, annoying, and

in-accurate: they negatively inuence the health

care that patients receive in the “real world.”

Summers’ presentation began with a startling

list of data suggesting that the media has con-

tributed to some of the problems that nursing

as a profession faces today. She cited a poll in

which 24% of participants said that they trusted

comedian/Playboy bunny Jenny McCarthy’s

advice on the dangers of vaccinating children.

A study of 1800 private school students taken

in 2000 said that boys stopped paying attention

when conversations at school about possible

career paths turned to nursing because the

career didn’t pertain to them. The same survey

suggested that, because of the media, students

felt that they knew more about nurses’ love

lives than their careers. Another study stated

that television depictions of nurses discourage

young people from pursuing the profession.

Summers argued that these studies exemplify an

overall trend in which nurses and their work are

devalued and misunderstood, which creates an

array of serious problems for health care and its

constituents. “If our patients can’t respect us, we

Summers’ recent book argues that most

media representations of nurses are not

merely offensive, annoying, and in-accu-

rate: they negatively influence the health

care that patients receive.

▶

◀

contents

 

can’t do our jobs,” said Summers. “So we need

to build up the respect of the profession so we

can enhance nursing care. We are ignored by

our colleagues, physicians especially, because

they don’t respect us.” Summers argued that

when adults without signicant understand-

ing of nursing receive a lifetime of inaccurate,

stereotypical messages about the profession,

the eects are far-reaching. Public ocials and

health care decision-makers with little under-

standing of nurses’ importance fail to allocate

sucient funds to nurse stang, education,

and research by, for example, understang

nurses, which leads to increased patient mor-

tality and promotes a general nursing shortage.

She pointed out that there is a dearth of federal

funding for nursing. Resident nurses earn one

dollar for every 375 dollars earned by resident

physicians, and only one dollar out of every 200

dollars in the NIH budget is allocated towards

nursing research.

Summers followed her description of this

worrisome state of aairs with a comprehen-

sive discussion of the ways in which media

(in particular, television shows and adver-

tisements) have repeatedly promoted and

naturalized the belief systems that lead to the

devaluation of nurses, and its ensuing ef-

fects. Clip after clip from hit series like Grey’s

Anatomy (2005-present, ABC) and House, M.D.

(2004- present, Fox) show physicians “doing

all the work” while nurses wander around on

the sidelines, mostly cleaning up after them. In

one potent example, (Dr.) House is seen caring

for a patient who falls to the oor, leading him

to proclaim “Now this is why I invented nurses.

Clean up on aisle three!” On a series titled O

the Map (2011-present, ABC), a female physician

expresses envy that her colleague has gotten to

work on challenging medical cases, despairingly

stating that “I handed out band-aids today, like a

school nurse.” In an episode of Eight Simple Rules

(2002-2005, ABC), a nurse says “Without me, pa-

tients could die.” When her companion responds

“Really?,” she says “Well, no, but they could wet

their beds.”

According to Summers, depictions like these

are based on huge misconceptions about what,

exactly, nurses do: often, the very jobs that TV

shows repeatedly attribute to physicians. “Do

physicians do all the healthcare work that mat-

ters? That’s what it looks like,” said Summers.

Summers showed a clip from an episode of

Grey’s Anatomy that featured the very common

medical show image of a physician successfully

debrillating an unconscious patient.

“Who debrillates at UCLA? Nurses,” said

Summers. “Can you imagine if nurses debril-

lated on television shows? There would be 16

year old boys lined up around the back to get

into nursing school. It’s such a high testosterone

maneuver. You have to have nerve to do that,

but it saves lives. And you have to be smart to

read those squiggly lines on the screen. We need

credit for the work that we do.” Summers coun-

teracted the notion, articulated by Turow, that

nurses’ work is under-represented on TV shows

because it is less ashy and cinematic than that

Summers counteracted

the notion, articulated by

Turow, that nurses’ work

is under-represented on

TV shows because it is

less flashy and cinematic

than that of physicians.

“Hollywood doesn’t think

nursing is dramatic

enough?” she asked.

“They’re already showing

nursing care all the time.

It’s plenty dramatic, it’s

passed the litmus test.

But they put it in the

hands of physicians.”

▶

◀

contents

 

of physicians. “Hollywood doesn’t think nursing

is dramatic enough?” she asked. “They’re already

showing nursing care all the time. It’s plenty

dramatic, it’s passed the litmus test. But they put

it in the hands of physicians.”

Summers emphasized that strengthening

representations of nurses in the media will

strengthen the nursing profession and, thus,

benet nurses and patients alike. “We’re autono-

mous professionals,” said Summers. “People don’t

know that, they have no idea that we have inde-

pendent thoughts in the healthcare setting, we

intervene to save patient’s lives, we coordinate

the healthcare team, we’re educated researchers,

educators, and advocates. It is our job to teach

the wider public about the value of nursing, be-

cause if we don’t strengthen the nursing profes-

sion we can’t help our patients to survive…That

is why it is important to spread this information

through the media.”

Like Turow, Summers praised recent TV series

like Nurse Jackie and Hawthorne which, she stat-

ed, are groundbreaking for their accurate depic-

tions of nurses’ work. She showed clips of Nurse

Jackie making vital decisions in the treatment

of patients, a clip in which Hawthorne kicks out

a physician who wants to interview a patient so

that she can administer treatment, and another

clip in which nurses collaborate in order to as-

sess the best ways in which to treat a critically ill

baby (these sequences pointedly counteracted

another series of clips in which nurses deferred

to physicians, or were presented as powerless

and wholly dependent on the instruction of phy-

sicians). Summers stated that her organization

doesn’t insist that the media portrays politically

correct, idealized nurses, the sorts of characters

that people who criticize the notion of “positive

representations” are against. In fact, the “angelic

nurse” is another stereotype her organization

protests. First and foremost, her organization de-

mands accurate, multi-faceted representations.

“People don’t like Nurse Jackie because she’s a

bad person, but she’s an excellent clinician,” said

Summers. “The series shows that nurses save

lives, and though the message may be delivered

through a very awed human being, we still

learn through the show what nurses do for their

patients...This is great stu that we need the

public to learn.”

Summers nally outlined some of the ways in

which her organization has helped to improve

representations of nurses, and decrease or revise

ones that are oensive and/or in-accurate. In

particular, she discussed the ways in which The

Truth About Nursing has organized successful

press and letter-writing campaigns to protest

and revise depictions of nurses on television

and in print media. In 2010 the organization

launched a campaign in the Associated Press

against the reality TV show Dr. Oz, which fea-

tured a weight-loss segment in which women

dressed in provocative “nurse” costumes (tting

the “naughty nurse” stereotype) “got sexy” and

danced with Dr. Mehmet Oz. Eventually, the sta

of the show issued an apology to the Associated

Press, Oz added a nurse blogger to his website,

and nally featured an actual nurse on the se-

“People don’t like Nurse

Jackie because she’s a bad

person, but she’s an excellent

clinician,” said Summers.

▶

◀

contents

 

ries. In response to a commercial for Dentyne Ice

gum in which “naughty nurses” were lured into

bed by male patients, the organization launched

a letter-writing campaign that resulted in 1500

letters of protest. When these letters went

ignored, Summers called the top executives at

Cadbury Schweppes (who produce the gum)

every day for a week, leaving ve minute voice-

mails explaining why the ad was highly prob-

lematic, and promoted sexual harassment in the

workplace. After a week, the CEO of Cadbury

Schweppes issued an apology and announced

that they would pull the ad. When the makers of

E.R. had the character Abby triumphantly leave

her nursing profession to attend medical school,

The Truth About Nursing protested “for years”

to E.R.’s creators, pointing out that there is data

showing that nurses who go to graduate school

are much more likely to go to graduate school

for nursing, rather than medical school. Years

later, Sam, another nurse character on the series,

went to nursing school.

Summers concluded her speech with a call to

action, suggesting that nurses at UCLA should

start a chapter of The Truth About Nursing,

contribute to the organizations’ letter-writing

campaigns, and visit www.truthaboutnursing.

org, which features a section titled “100 Things

that We Can Do to Improve Images of Nursing in

the Media.”

“You guys are right here, right where all of the

Hollywood damaging stu is produced,” said

Summers. “Nurses in Bangladesh can’t even get

married because they’re equated with prosti-

▶

◀

contents

The Truth about Nursing website features opportunities to take action by joining

letter-writing campaigns to counteract the “naughty nurse” stereotype that under-

mines the profession of nursing.

 

tutes. That idea comes from here: our Hol-

lywood. I believe it is our civic duty to repair

the situation, to improve the world’s respect

for nursing, so we can do a better job not just

helping the lives of nurses, but improving

patient care.”

After taking in two presentations that

powerfully demonstrated the ways in which

media representational strategies are both

highly problematic and dicult to change, it

was refreshing to watch CSW Director Kath-

leen McHugh’s interview with Richard Hard-

ing, a lm producer passionately dedicated to

social justice. Harding is the President and CEO

of Sixth Sense Productions and the founder

of Malaria Now, a not-for-prot dedicated to

protecting children in Kenya from malaria.

He played a key role in nancing the Golden

Globe and Oscar nominated lm Hotel Rwanda

(2004), about a hotel manager who saved

1,000 potential victims of the genocide of the

Hutus and the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994. His

most recent project, The First Grader (2010),

is based on the true story of an 84 year old

former Mau Mau resistance ghter in Kenya

who takes his government’s “education for all”

promise literally and insists on being admitted

into elementary school, so that he can learn to

read. The lm was runner up for the People’s

Choice Award at The Toronto Film Festival,

second only to The King’s Speech (2010). The

main focus of the interview was Harding’s next

project, a lm about a group called “The Beng-

hazi Six” in press headlines.

Sixth Sense Productions’s current project is a film about The Benghazi Six, five nurses

from Bulgaria and a Palestinian doctor, who were accused by the Libyan government, led

by Muammar al-Gaddafi, of infecting 450 babies with the AIDS virus. It was later proven

that the infections were the results of poor sanitary conditions in the Libyan hospital,

and began before the Benghazi Six arrived.

▶

◀

contents

 

The Benghazi Six were ve nurses from

Bulgaria and a Palestinian doctor who moved

to Benghazi, Libya, to work in a hospital and

make extra money for their families at home.

The Libyan government, led by Muammar

al-Gadda, falsely accused the group of infect-

ing 450 babies with the AIDS virus. It was later

proven that the infections were the results of

poor sanitary conditions in the Libyan hospital,

and began before the Benghazi Six arrived.

“What happened in the hospital was that

Libyan nurses,” said Harding, “don’t feel that little

babies have diseases that they can spread to

others. So nurses shared needles among babies,

and that’s what created the mess. There was no

sanitation. These Bulgarian nurses were so well-

trained that they could not practice in this way.

They brought their own sanitized needles, their

own soap, their own gloves, but whatever they

did they were threatened, and people said ‘If

you don’t like it, go home.’”

Indeed, it has been suggested that one of

the reasons that the nurses were singled out is

because they fought the dangerous conditions

in the hospital. Their identities as both clinical

and residential outsiders made them especially

vulnerable.

“Gadda needed a scapegoat,” said Harding.

“And the only nurses he chose were those who

came from a country that had no backing from

the USA. They chose these nurses because there

was nothing that they could do.”

The group was tortured, beaten, forced to

confess to crimes that they did not commit, and

sentenced to death three times over a period

of nine years. “I’ll tell you how bad the torture

“Gaddafi needed a scapegoat,” said Harding. “And the only

nurses he chose were those who came from a country that

had no backing from the USA. They chose these nurses

because there was nothing that they could do.”

▶

◀

contents

 

was,” said Harding. “I wanted a woman to write

the screenplay so it could come from her point

of view, and I had two ladies read the treatment.

It was raw, nothing was edited, and we gave it

to the writers to adapt it so that American audi-

ences could go through it. One of the women

called her agent crying and said ‘I won’t write

this because I can’t read it,’ and another woman

said ‘I can’t write this, it’s too horrible.’ But these

nurses wanted to tell the stories of what they

went through—how nurses, who are here to

help people, went through this.”

The Benghazi Six were nally freed in 2007,

after France intervened to liberate them. Hard-

ing became interested in making a feature lm

about the group after his creative partner, Sam

Feuer, read an article about them while they

were still on Death Row. “The rst thing I asked

was, what can we do as human beings to free

these nurses?” said Harding. “Because these are

ladies that were brought to Libya to care for peo-

ple, to heal people, and for them to be treated in

this manner struck me as a great injustice. And

making a movie about this was one way to see

how we could avoid having something like this

happen in the future.”

Harding also wanted to make a mainstream

lm about the Benghazi Six because he felt that

the lm, and its production, could be instrumen-

tal in helping them to get released. “I got the

rights while these nurses were on Death Row.

I called my lawyer and asked ‘How do we go

about getting the rights?,’ and he said ‘Richard,

if you were on Death Row, would you be con-

cerned about being in a movie?’,” said Harding.

So we had to y to Libya with their sisters and

relatives to get the rights to tell the story, and

we said that we’d get behind these people and

use our power to support them.”

The news of the lm’s production did, indeed,

interrupt the status quo in Libya surrounding

their case. “There was an uproar, and I think a lot

of it had to do with the fact that these were nurs-

es,” said Harding. “It brought a lot of attention to

the case. And eventually we were able to get the

nurses to give us the rights to make the lm. By

then the French had gotten on board to help the

situation. The headlines wrote ‘Hollywood pro-

ducers come to Bulgaria to help the nurses, and

Gadda has a heart attack.’ Some people said

it had to do with the fact that we were making

the movie…We got calls once a month from the

Libyan embassy asking how we were going to

portray them.”

Harding stated that, like the Truth About Nurs-

ing organization, the makers of the Benghazi Six

lm are highly concerned with presenting an ac-

curate depiction of these nurses, their jobs, and

their story: “These are very strong women, and I

give them great credit. 95% of the story is based

on what we got from them, and we couldn’t

write it any other way. For them it is very impor-

tant that nurses are portrayed very positively, like

Sandy was saying, and that is something that we

will stand by. We made a promise to the ladies

that we would do them right and show who

nurses are, and also show the injustices that were

done to them.”

In the question and answer session with the

audience that followed Harding’s interview,

Summers asked that the lm devote at least a

small amount of time to showing the nurses

saving the lives of children and to representing

them as “autonomous, skilled, educated profes-

sionals.” “That’s one of the things that the nurses

requested,” said Harding. “That we show them

doing positive things, whether saving a life or

taking care of kids, and we plan on doing that. I

think it’s important [that I] be here today to em-

phasize in my mind how important this is. I don’t

do TV. But I would love to do a TV show from the

perspective of nurses.”

The conference’s presenters and curators did

an outstanding job of painting a portrait of the

ways in which nurses have been, and continue

to be, represented in multiple forms of media,

the cultural reasons for these representations,

and their cultural eects. The morning’s presen-

tations ended on an encouraging note. Hard-

ing’s statement that he would take the discourse

presented at the conference into consideration

while producing the next mainstream movie

about nurses demonstrated that events like the

conference, and the work of Turow, Summers,

Harding, and the institutions with which they

are aliated, are not only important because

they increase our awareness of media depictions

of nurses and their cultural impact. They are

important because they truly have the power to

inuence them.

“I like you, and I think that the work you are

doing is very important,” Harding told Summers.

“And I hope that I never receive a phone call

from you.”





CSW

Update.

▶

◀

contents

Download
Save PDF to desktop

Email
Email completed PDF

Send for Signing
Email for others to sign

Print
Print document

NAME

Media Images And Screen Representations Of Nurses: Conference Review

View Audit Log
Print With Audit Log
Duplicate Document

Fill Online, Printable, Fillable, Blank Media Images And Screen Representations Of Nurses: Conference Review Form

Related forms

Fillable Media Images And Screen Representations Of Nurses: Conference Review

Fill Online, Printable, Fillable, Blank Media Images And Screen Representations Of Nurses: Conference Review Form

Related forms

First 20 documents completely FREE!